Assimilation, Heterolocalism and Ethnic Capital: The Case of an Immigrant Indian Community in America
Immigration accounts for significant growth of population in the USA.
Asian Indians constitute the third largest immigrant group in the USA after the
Mexican and the Chinese (Ruiz, 2015). Today there are more than 4,402,362 Asian
Indians in the USA, constituting 1.3 per cent of the USA population (US Census Bureau, 2017).
In terms of educational qualifications, 77 per cent of Asian Indians
(aged 25 and above) have undergraduate or higher degrees compared to 29 per
cent among the immigrant groups and 31 per cent among the mainstream population
in the same age cohort in 2015 (Zong
& Batalova, 2017). Further, many of them are associated with the
science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) professions (ibid.).
Studies on ethnic immigrants have often invoked theoretical questions.
Hence this study explaining the settlement and adjustment of Indian immigrants
in the USA, of course, invokes an appropriate theoretical perspective.
According to the Assimilation perspective, in the process of adjustment to the
host society, immigrants tend to give up their languages, ethnic identities,
practices, and other cultural uniqueness to blend with the American mainstream
population (Gordon, 1964; Park, 1930; Park & Burgess, 1969 [1921]). The perspective further proposes that
residential mobility of the immigrants follow their pattern of acculturation
and social mobility in the host nation. Further, they envision residential
mobility as an essential step for more complete assimilation in the mainstream
society (Zelinsky
& Lee, 1998).
As the immigrant stock to the USA became highly diverse over the years,
the Pluralist perspective proved to be better equipped in explaining the
adjustment strategies of the immigrants (Ratner, 1987). The Pluralist perspective has evolved in
contrast to the ‘melting pot’ or assimilationist approach. This perspective
contends that immigrants form their self-sustaining ethnic communities in the
host society and simultaneously engage in the polity, economy, and civil life
of the mainstream society. Like the assimilation perspective, the pluralist
perspective also entails a spatial dimension in proposing that immigrant
communities form mosaic of ethnic enclaves in the host society (Klaff,
1980).
Nonetheless, the pluralistic perspective has been found to be inadequate
in explaining the adjustment process of recent immigrants who manage to
‘flourish at the outset’ and exhibit residential propinquity with the
mainstream population and not with their co-ethnics. This takes us closer to the
concept of ‘heterolocalism’ which has been used to explain such peculiar
socio-spatial behaviour of recent immigrants. Etymologically the concept can be
traced to its Greek (‘heteros’ meaning ‘different’) and Latin (‘locus’ meaning
‘place’) roots (Zelinsky
& Lee, 1998).
The heterolocal model, therefore, highlights the peculiar tendency of
the recent immigrants, of shared ethnic background, to enter an area from
distant origins and promptly adopting a dispersed settlement pattern, yet
maintaining close ties with each other through a variety of means (ibid.). This
piece of research, therefore, aims to investigate the impact of heterolocalism
on the assimilation patterns and peculiar co-ethnic bonding among the Bengali
professional immigrants in Kansas City, a middle-sized city in the USA.
Equally pertinent are the empirical studies on patterns of assimilation
among ethnic immigrants in USA and the relevance of concept ‘heterolocalism’
there.
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