Making (Ab)sense of Women’s Agency and Belonging in Citizenship Debates in India: Analysing the Shaheen Bagh Protests as ‘Act(s) of Citizenship’
In
December 2019, the Indian Parliament passed a new law amending the Citizenship
Act of India. The Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), as it is known, claims to
facilitate Indian citizenship for the ‘persecuted minorities’ groups from
Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who entered India before 31 December 2014,
except Muslims from these countries. The categorical omission of Muslims to
take advantage of this law has been opposed for being discriminatory and
unconstitutional as it made religion the condition for granting citizenship
against the secular ethos of the Indian Constitution. Scholars and political
analysts claimed that the CAA linked with the National Register of Citizens can
potentially transform India into a majoritarian polity, marginalising its 200
million Muslims. The government’s response was marked by sarcasm, as to how a
‘benign’ law facilitating citizenship for persecuted minorities from Muslim
majority countries of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh was being opposed by
Muslims in India. Activists, feminist groups and students who supported the
anti-CAA protests criticised the CAA as unconstitutional and against the ‘basic
structure principle’ of the Constitution. The law was challenged in the Supreme
Court by a group of lawyers, opposition politicians and even the United Nations
High Commissioner for Human Rights.
The
strongest resistance against the CAA came from India’s Constitution-loving
citizens, especially women, against the dogmatic interpretation of citizenship.
They started the anti-CAA protest in Shaheen Bagh which was emulated in various
regions of India. The protest was highly publicised in the mainstream media
primarily focussing on the ‘religious’ identity of the protesters, imitating
the ‘male patriarchal gaze’. A similar narrative was portrayed by the central
government which phrased the protest as Muslims versus Hindus. Consequently,
the protests remained narrowly viewed as an agitation by Muslim women.
Addressing
the Shaheen Bagh protests solely through a religious lens was like playing into
the hands of the majoritarian state, diluting the cause these women were
demonstrating for upholding the constitutional provisions of equal citizenship
without discrimination on grounds of religion, caste, language and gender. It
is remarkable that even then the Shaheen Bagh peaceful protests provoked the
Hindu right wing. Three reasons can be identified for this: first, the gender
of the protesters; second, the religion of the protesters; and third, a hurting
male ego. How could upper-caste men accept women whom they consider meek and
docile, that too Muslims, to come out on the roads, challenging the very core
of their ideology with such composure and demeanour without any political and
external support? Here it is also necessary to state that access to equal
citizenship in India remains a distant dream for most of the population
including women, dalits, adivasis, ethnic minorities, homosexuals, the disabled
and the poor. Even though the anti-CAA protest was dispersed due to the pandemic
and Delhi riots, it was successful in generating a backlash within the ruling
coalition, with the law finding no mention in the mandate during Assam
elections of 2021 and the central government strategising a regionally
differential position vis-à-vis the CAA in the state assembly
elections held in 2021.
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Good essay. The article offers a nuanced understanding of the anti-CAA protests as acts of citizenship, strands shedding light on the complexities of identity, power, and resistance in contemporary Indian society.
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